Uninsured – MYZIJASTORY

Caseworkers Coax Homeless People out of Las Vegas’ Tunnels for Treatment

LAS VEGAS — Case manager Bryon Johnson flashed a light into a dark tunnel beneath the glitz of the Las Vegas Strip on a recent fall afternoon. He stepped into an opening in a concrete ditch littered with trash and discarded clothing to search an underground world for his homeless clients.

Beneath the Caesars Palace hotel and casino, Johnson found one of them stretched out on a plywood bed. Jay Flanders, 49, had sores across his back, up his arms, and into his fingers. The homeless man acknowledged occasional meth use and mental health concerns. He couldn’t recall exactly how long he’d lived underground, but it had been several years.

“Why don’t you come inside,” asked Johnson, trying to persuade Flanders to leave the tunnels. “Come get treatment.”

It’s Johnson’s job to coax homeless people out of drainage tunnels that stretch beneath Las Vegas, a perilous grid where people hide from law enforcement and shelter from extreme weather but risk being swept away by floodwaters. Drugs and alcohol are prevalent. Johnson tells clients they have a better shot at recovery above ground, where they can get medical care to treat chronic illnesses, such as diabetes, depression, and heart disease, and start drug and alcohol treatment programs.

Street medicine providers and homeless outreach workers who travel into the tunnels said they have noticed an uptick in the number of people living underground as housing costs have skyrocketed and local officials have adopted a zero-tolerance approach to homelessness. Caseworkers are also confronting a level of drug addiction that’s making it harder to get people, many suffering from mental illness and health conditions, to come aboveground for care.

“It’s meth. It’s fentanyl. It’s opioids. We’re seeing it more and more,” said Rob Banghart, vice president of community integration for the nonprofit homeless outreach organization Shine a Light, who lived in the tunnels for 2½ of the five years he was homeless, often using drugs.

Now sober for more than six years, Banghart recalled the tunnels providing a respite. “In that state of mind, I said to myself, ‘It’s got a roof; it’s out of the sun.’ It’s a little twisted, but it was a community.”

Outreach workers say more people are retreating underground. Though dark and damp, the tunnels provide cover from the harsh desert sun, warmth when temperatures drop, and privacy from society’s judgment above ground.

Constructed in the 1990s and measuring some 600 miles, the tunnels provide flood control for the city and outlying communities. Homeless outreach workers said 1,200 to 1,500 people live in them. Many have constructed elaborate shelters, often out of plywood and scraps of metal or brick below the casinos that define the Strip.

Tunnel living is not limited to Nevada. Across California’s Central Valley and its southern deserts, people unable to afford housing are retreating into caves and earthen tunnels, often dug into flood control berms, riverbanks, or along drainage canals, where people can escape the heat and law enforcement. In San Antonio, homeless people have constructed tunnel encampments, and in New York, homeless people have long retreated into subterranean existence in tunnels and defunct train corridors.

In Las Vegas, some tunnel dwellers said they hide to avoid constant encampment sweeps, which have increased nationally since the U.S. Supreme Court this year ruled that local authorities have a right to enforce sleeping or camping bans in public spaces, even when no shelter or housing is available.

Others said they go down to escape the unbearable weather. Triple digits are common in the summer; this year, Las Vegas climbed as high as 120 degrees. And the tunnels provide protection when temperatures drop into the 30s in the winter. It even snows there.

Street medicine providers are also trying to persuade homeless people to leave the tunnels to receive care. In addition to more drug and alcohol use, they have seen new problems with wounds and skin disorders associated with the street drug known as “tranq,” slang for the animal tranquilizer xylazine, which is often mixed with fentanyl or meth.

Tranq causes deep skin infections that, left untreated, can lead to bone infections and require amputation.

Flanders, the homeless man in the tunnels, had several of these skin sores, which he referred to as spider bites — a euphemism for the deep skin wounds caused by tranq. He estimated he has been to the emergency room at least 10 times this year, several times requiring hospitalization.

“One time I was there for six days; I almost lost a finger,” Flanders said, holding up the index finger that had been warped from a deep infection, as he started to tear up. Despite the risks, Flanders said, he still felt safer living in the tunnels than aboveground.

Las Vegas’ population boom has contributed to rising housing costs. The market rent for southern Nevada rose 20% from 2022 to 2023, according to a Clark County homelessness report — higher than the national average.

As more people get displaced, more retreat underground. And often, outreach workers say, it’s not just locals who can’t afford the rising cost of living who wind up homeless, but also out-of-towners. Some come to make it in the city’s booming entertainment industry, while others become homeless after losing it all at the casinos.

“People come here on vacation to gamble or try and make it, and they lose everything,” said Johnson, who works for Shine a Light, one of two organizations in Las Vegas that provide substantial outreach, housing referrals, and drug treatment services for homeless people in the tunnels.

“The housing market is insane; rents keep going up. A lot of people wind up down here,” said Johnson, who lived in the tunnels until he got sober with help from Shine a Light. “People just get stuck.”

Still, Nevada’s scorching heat and rains and monsoons pose a major threat to those living in the tunnels, though it’s unclear exactly how deadly life in them can be.

But Louis Lacey, homeless response director for the nonprofit Help of Southern Nevada, said homeless people living belowground put their lives at risk, often in the monsoon season when the tunnels flood. His organization coordinates with the city of Las Vegas and Clark County to get as many people as possible into shelters before the start of the rainy season, which typically runs from June to September.

“We go into the tunnels to make sure people who want to get out are out, but not everyone leaves, often because they don’t want to leave their belongings,” he said. “People die every year.”

This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Georgia’s Work Requirement Slows Processing of Applications for Medicaid, Food Stamps

ATLANTA — Deegant Adhvaryu completed his parents’ applications for Medicaid and food benefits in June. Then the waiting and frustration began.

In July, his parents, Haresh and Nina Adhvaryu, received a letter saying their applications would be delayed, he said. In August, the Adhvaryus started calling a Georgia helpline, he said, but couldn’t leave a message. It wasn’t until September, when they visited state offices, that they were informed their applications were incomplete.

The couple were mystified. They had Medicaid coverage when they lived in Virginia, before their recent move to metro Atlanta.

While they waited, Adhvaryu’s parents — ages 71 and 76 — delayed care, fearing they couldn’t afford it. They have Medicare, and, in Georgia, Medicaid pays for its premiums, copayments, and deductibles. The lack of extra coverage strained their fixed incomes.

“It was concerning,” Deegant Adhvaryu said, because his family lost a critical financial “lifeline.”

It took Adhvaryu’s parents until late October — more than 120 days after applying — to finally get their Medicaid cards in the mail. Federal rules require states to process most Medicaid applications within 45 days.

For years, Georgia’s public benefits system has been plagued by problems like the Adhvaryus’ — a glitchy website that’s often down for maintenance, a shortage of staff to process applications, and technology that malfunctions, according to consumer advocacy organizations, former state employees, and researchers.

But a KFF Health News analysis shows processing times have worsened since July 2023, when Georgia launched the nation’s only active Medicaid work requirement program, “Georgia Pathways to Coverage.” The program began three months after the state began redetermining the eligibility of all Medicaid enrollees following a covid-19 pandemic pause.

The percentage of Medicaid applicants waiting more than a month and a half to have their applications processed has nearly tripled in the first year of Pathways, the analysis of state and federal records found. Georgia had the slowest processing time in the country as of June, for income-based applications. Preliminary data from July puts the state as the second-slowest. The percentage of applications for financial and food assistance that take more than 30 days to process has also risen by at least 8 percentage points.

Pathways “is really bogging down” a system that was “already functioning relatively poorly,” said Leah Chan, director of health justice at the Georgia Budget and Policy Institute, a nonprofit research organization that supports full Medicaid expansion.

Georgia’s effort to run Pathways reveals the challenges that loom for states looking to launch Medicaid work requirements under a second Donald Trump presidency. His first administration approved them in more than a dozen states. On Nov. 5, South Dakota voters gave lawmakers the green light to seek a work requirement for its existing Medicaid expansion population.

Conservative lawmakers around the country would like to add work requirements to Medicaid, the state-federal insurance program for people with disabilities or low incomes, said Joan Alker, who leads Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families. “If Georgia fails, that’s a big black eye for the Republican Party.”

Pathways is one of Republican Gov. Brian Kemp’s signature health policy initiatives and his alternative to fully expanding Medicaid eligibility under the Affordable Care Act. Applicants must document that they’re working, studying, or doing other qualifying activities for 80 hours a month in exchange for health coverage.

Consumer advocacy organizations, former state employees, and researchers say the initiative adds inefficiencies and bureaucracy that slow down other public programs, like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, and the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program, or TANF.

As of Nov. 1, just 5,542 residents were participating in the work requirement program. Under a full Medicaid expansion program, nearly 300,000 Georgians would gain health coverage, according to the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.

Georgia’s work requirement hasn’t been cheap to implement. An analysis by Chan’s think tank found about $13,360 in state and federal spending for each enrollee from January 2021 through June 2024, largely on administrative costs, not health benefits. That doesn’t account for the cost to prepare and submit the application for Pathways to the feds or the fees associated with legal fights over the program.

Officials in Georgia told KFF Health News that, as of June 30, Pathways had cost $40.6 million in state and federal funds.

Pathways also has increased the workload for state staffers who must manually verify complex eligibility requirements and monitor enrollees’ continued eligibility, according to consumer advocacy organizations, former state employees, and researchers.

The Kemp administration blames the processing slowdown of state benefits, in part, on what’s known as the Medicaid “unwinding,” which began in April 2023 as states had to redetermine the eligibility of all enrollees in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic.

“Georgia Pathways is an innovative, Georgia-specific program that has provided coverage to thousands of Georgians who otherwise would be without care,” said Garrison Douglas, a Kemp spokesperson.

Critics say the Pathways rollout stressed a system that’s had snags for years. In contrast, Chan pointed to North Carolina, which fully expanded Medicaid during the unwinding, covering more people for less than the cost per person of Pathways and without creating additional backlogs for other public benefits programs.

Waiting for benefits approval can have concrete consequences for people’s health and well-being, say doctors, researchers, and patient advocates.

Flavia Rossi, a pediatrician in Tifton, about 180 miles south of Atlanta, said some parents skip their kids’ checkups because they fear expensive out-of-pocket costs while waiting for Medicaid coverage for their children.

In October 2023, Ellenwood, Georgia, residents Gloria and William Felder, who have custody of a granddaughter, were told by the state that her Medicaid coverage had lapsed. William Felder said they reapplied three times but waited 11 months for her coverage to be restored, during which they spent over $1,500 on her care. “We wanted to make sure she had coverage,” he said.

After a health insurance navigator queried the state, Felder said, the state finally informed them in September that she had Medicaid again.

Georgia officials haven’t invested enough in the state agency that processes public benefits applications, said Laura Colbert, executive director of Georgians for a Healthy Future, a nonprofit policy advocacy organization. The problem is exacerbated by staffing shortages, high staff turnover, and outdated technology, she said.

In November 2023, the U.S. Department of Agriculture notified state officials that Georgia was “severely out of compliance” with timeliness standards for processing SNAP applications. A recent progress report details the scope of the issues: a system that incorrectly prioritizes applications, not enough staff to handle a backlog of nearly 52,000 new applications, and no system to promptly reassign applications when staff are off.

“These delays create real hardship, forcing families to make choices between paying for medicine, food, or rent while they wait for the support they’re entitled to,” Colbert said.

The state checked the eligibility of about 2.7 million residents when the pandemic-era Medicaid continuous coverage requirement ended. Nearly half a million Georgians lost coverage — including nearly 300,000 children, according to an analysis by Alker’s nonprofit.

Instead of investing more to ensure that people who were wrongly removed could reenroll, the state continues to pour money into the Pathways program, Alker said. She cited a recently launched $10.7 million ad campaign aimed at boosting Pathways enrollment with money from federal pandemic recovery funds.

The contract for that work was awarded to the consulting firm Deloitte, which has already received millions from Georgia to build and implement Pathways. It’s also responsible for the state’s Gateway technology system, which people use to access public benefits and Georgia officials have described as having ongoing problems, according to KFF Health News’ reporting.

Deloitte did not respond to a request for comment for this article. It previously told KFF Health News that it does not comment on state-specific issues.

In a November letter to KFF Health News, Deloitte spokesperson Karen Walsh said the firm’s clients — state governments — “understand that large system implementations are challenging due to the complexity of the programs they support, and that all IT systems require ongoing maintenance, periodic enhancements and upgrades to software and hardware, and database management.”

Deegant Adhvaryu had to help keep his parents afloat as they waited months to get approved for Medicaid and SNAP. He bought them groceries and helped cover their rent. Not every applicant is that lucky.

“There are people in the state of Georgia with far less financial resources, far less family connections to be able to help them that need these services,” he said.

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In Vermont, Where Almost Everyone Has Insurance, Many Can’t Find or Afford Care

RICHMOND, Vt. — On a warm autumn morning, Roger Brown walked through a grove of towering trees whose sap fuels his maple syrup business. He was checking for damage after recent flooding. But these days, his workers’ health worries him more than his trees’.

The cost of Slopeside Syrup’s employee health insurance premiums spiked 24% this year. Next year it will rise 14%.

The jumps mean less money to pay workers, and expensive insurance coverage that doesn’t ensure employees can get care, Brown said. “Vermont is seen as the most progressive state, so how is health care here so screwed up?”

Vermont consistently ranks among the healthiest states, and its unemployment and uninsured rates are among the lowest. Yet Vermonters pay the highest prices nationwide for individual health coverage, and state reports show its providers and insurers are in financial trouble. Nine of the state’s 14 hospitals are losing money, and the state’s largest insurer is struggling to remain solvent. Long waits for care have become increasingly common, according to state reports and interviews with residents and industry officials.

Rising health costs are a problem across the country, but Vermont’s situation surprises health experts because virtually all its residents have insurance and the state regulates care and coverage prices.

For more than 15 years, federal and state policymakers have focused on increasing the number of people insured, which they expected would shore up hospital finances and make care more available and affordable.

“Vermont’s struggles are a wake-up call that insurance is only one piece of the puzzle to ensuring access to care,” said Keith Mueller, a rural health expert at the University of Iowa.

Regulators and consultants say the state’s small, aging population of about 650,000 makes spreading insurance risk difficult. That demographic challenge is compounded by geography, as many Vermonters live in rural areas, where it’s difficult to attract more health workers to address shortages.

At least part of the cost spike can be attributed to patients crossing state lines for quicker care in New York and Massachusetts. Those visits can be more expensive for both insurers and patients because of long ambulance rides and charges from out-of-network providers.

Patients who stay, like Lynne Drevik, face long waits. Drevik said her doctor told her in April that she needed knee replacement surgeries — but the earliest appointment would be in January for one knee and the following April for the other.

Drevik, 59, said it hurts to climb the stairs in the 19th-century farmhouse in Montgomery Center she and her husband operate as an inn and a spa. “My life is on hold here, and it’s hard to make any plans,” she said. “It’s terrible.”

Health experts say some of the state’s health system troubles are self-inflicted.

Unlike most states, Vermont regulates hospital and insurance prices through an independent agency, the Green Mountain Care Board. Until recently, the board typically approved whatever price changes companies wanted, said Julie Wasserman, a health consultant in Vermont.

The board allowed one health system — the University of Vermont Health Network — to control about two-thirds of the state’s hospital market and allowed its main facility, the University of Vermont Medical Center in Burlington, to raise its prices until it ranked among the nation’s most expensive, she said, citing data the board presented in September.

Hospital officials contend their prices are no higher than industry averages.

But for 2025, the board required the University of Vermont Medical Center to cut the prices it bills private insurers by 1%.

The nonprofit system says it is navigating its own challenges. Top officials say a severe lack of housing makes it hard to recruit workers, while too few mental health providers, nursing homes, and long-term care services often create delays in discharging patients, adding to costs.

Two-thirds of the system’s patients are covered by Medicare or Medicaid, said CEO Sunny Eappen. Both government programs pay providers lower rates than private insurance, which Eappen said makes it difficult to afford rising prices for drugs, medical devices, and labor.

Officials at the University of Vermont Medical Center point to several ways they are trying to adapt. They cited, for example, $9 million the hospital system has contributed to the construction of two large apartment buildings to house new workers, at a subsidized price for lower-income employees.

The hospital also has worked with community partners to open a mental health urgent care center, providing an alternative to the emergency room.

In the ER, curtains separate areas in the hallway where patients can lie on beds or gurneys for hours waiting for a room. The hospital also uses what was a storage closet as an overflow room to provide care.

“It’s good to get patients into a hallway, as it’s better than a chair,” said Mariah McNamara, an ER doctor and associate chief medical officer with the hospital.

For the about 250 days a year when the hospital is full, doctors face pressure to discharge patients without the ideal home or community care setup, she said. “We have to go in the direction of letting you go home without patient services and giving that a try, because otherwise the hospital is going to be full of people, and that includes people that don’t need to be here,” McNamara said.

Searching for solutions, the Green Mountain Care Board hired a consultant who recommended a number of changes, including converting four rural hospitals into outpatient facilities, in a worst-case scenario, and consolidating specialty services at several others.

The consultant, Bruce Hamory, said in a call with reporters that his report provides a road map for Vermont, where “the health care system is no match for demographic, workforce, and housing challenges.”

But he cautioned that any fix would require sacrifice from everyone, including patients, employers, and health providers. “There is no simple single policy solution,” he said.

One place Hamory recommended converting to an outpatient center only was North Country Hospital in Newport, a village in Vermont’s least populated region, known as the Northeast Kingdom.

The 25-bed hospital has lost money for years, partly because of an electronic health record system that has made it difficult to bill patients. But the hospital also has struggled to attract providers and make enough money to pay them.

Officials said they would fight any plans to close the hospital, which recently dropped several specialty services, including pulmonology, neurology, urology, and orthopedics. It doesn’t have the cash to upgrade patient rooms to include bathroom doors wide enough for wheelchairs.

On a recent morning, CEO Tom Frank walked the halls of his hospital. The facility was quiet, with just 14 admitted patients and only a couple of people in the ER. “This place used to be bustling,” he said of the former pulmonology clinic.

Frank said the hospital breaks even treating Medicare patients, loses money treating Medicaid patients, and makes money from a dwindling number of privately insured patients.

The state’s strict regulations have earned it an antihousing, antibusiness reputation, he said. “The cost of health care is a symptom of a larger problem.”

About 30 miles south of Newport, Andy Kehler often worries about the cost of providing health insurance to the 85 workers at Jasper Hill Farm, the cheesemaking business he co-owns.

“It’s an issue every year for us, and it looks like there is no end in sight,” he said.

Jasper Hill pays half the cost of its workers’ health insurance premiums because that’s all it can afford, Kehler said. Employees pay $1,700 a month for a family, with a $5,000 deductible.

“The coverage we provide is inadequate for what you pay,” he said.

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US Uninsured Rate Was Stable in 2023, Even as States’ Medicaid Purge Began

The proportion of Americans without health insurance remained stable in 2023, the Census Bureau reported Tuesday, close to the record low the Biden administration achieved in 2022 through expansions of public programs, including the Affordable Care Act.

About 8% of Americans were uninsured, a statistically insignificant increase of just 0.1 percentage point from a year earlier. But because of the Census survey’s methodology, the findings likely don’t capture the experience of tens of millions of Americans purged from Medicaid rolls after pandemic-era protections expired in spring 2023.

Enrollment in Medicaid, the government health program for people with low incomes and disabilities, reached its highest level in April 2023. That was just before what’s called the “unwinding,” the process states have used to disenroll people from the program after the federal government lifted a prohibition on culling enrollment.

It isn’t yet clear what effect the unwinding has had on insurance coverage, but the Census Bureau will release additional data on Thursday from a different survey that may refine the numbers.

“We are likely at a turning point,” said Leighton Ku, director of the Center for Health Policy Research at George Washington University. “We are about to change to a new season where things will be a little worse off from Medicaid unwinding.”

The Medicaid unwinding has been completed in most states, and more than 25 million people have been disenrolled, according to KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News. The Census report, based on surveys conducted early this year, counts people as uninsured only if they lacked insurance for all of 2023. So, for example, a person who was on Medicaid in April 2023 before the unwinding began then lost coverage and never regained it would nonetheless be counted as insured for the entire year.

Many people purged from Medicaid were successfully reenrolled in or obtained other insurance, such as Affordable Care Act marketplace or job-based coverage. Others remained uninsured.

Advocates have feared the unwinding would trigger a rise in the uninsured rate as people struggled to find alternative coverage.

But states, private health insurers, and advocates launched intense efforts to contact enrollees by phone, email, and social media to ensure they did not experience gaps in coverage.

Still, because of the way the Census Bureau reports the uninsured rate, the full impact of the unwinding won’t be known until the 2026 report.

Beyond Medicaid, several other factors boosted the number of Americans with health insurance last year, including a strong economy and near-record-low unemployment. Most Americans obtain insurance through their jobs, according to the Census, meaning that higher employment typically results in broader health coverage.

Another key factor: enhanced federal subsidies that since 2021 helped lower the cost of private coverage through Obamacare. Sign-ups on Affordable Care Act marketplaces hit a record high of 20.8 million in 2024, according to a Treasury report released Tuesday.

But that extra financial assistance is slated to expire at the end of 2025, setting up a flashpoint for whichever party controls power in Washington after the November elections. Democrats want to extend the subsidies introduced during the pandemic, while many Republicans wish to let them end.

Before Congress passed the ACA in 2010, the uninsured rate had been in double digits for decades. The rate fell steadily under President Barack Obama but reversed under President Donald Trump, only to come down again under President Joe Biden.

In addition to expanding subsidies, the Biden administration increased advertising and the number of counselors who help people sign up for plans during the open enrollment season, which Trump greatly curtailed.

Also contributing to the reduction in the number of uninsured Americans are state efforts to expand coverage to mostly low-income residents. North Carolina, for example, expanded Medicaid eligibility in December 2023, resulting in more than 500,000 additional enrollees.

Decades of research shows that expanded health coverage helps people individually and the public overall. Health insurance pays for routine care and can protect people from financial calamity because of severe injuries or illness.

People who are uninsured are more likely to delay or avoid getting health care, which can lead to relatively minor problems becoming more severe and costly to treat. Having more people covered also means more patients can pay their bills, which can improve the financial condition of hospitals and other providers.

The health insurance data released annually by the Census Bureau is considered the most accurate picture of health coverage in the United States. The state-level uninsured data it plans to release Thursday, based on a larger survey, counts people as uninsured if they say they don’t have coverage at the time they’re contacted. Thus, it likely will provide more insight into the effects of the unwinding.

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La tasa de personas sin seguro médico se mantiene estable, a pesar de la purga de Medicaid

La proporción de personas sin seguro de salud se mantuvo estable en 2023, informó la Oficina del Censo. Fue solo un poco más alta que el récord del año anterior, gracias a la expansión de programas públicos de la administración Biden, incluida la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA).

Aproximadamente el 8% de los estadounidenses no tuvieron cobertura en 2023, un aumento estadísticamente insignificante de solo 0.1 puntos porcentuales con respecto al año anterior.

Sin embargo, debido a la metodología de la encuesta del Censo, es probable que los hallazgos no reflejen la experiencia de decenas de millones de estadounidenses que fueron eliminados de las listas de Medicaid después que expiraran las protecciones implementadas durante la pandemia en la primavera de 2023.

La inscripción en Medicaid, el programa de salud federal gerenciado por estados para personas de bajos ingresos y con discapacidades, alcanzó su nivel más alto en abril de 2023. Fue justo antes de lo que se conoce como el “desmantelamiento” o la “purga”, el proceso que los estados han utilizado para dar de baja a beneficiarios del programa tras la expiración de una norma federal de la época de la pandemia que impedía reducir el número de inscritos.

“Es probable que estemos en un punto de inflexión”, dijo Leighton Ku, director del Centro de Investigación de Políticas de Salud de la Universidad George Washington. “Estamos a punto de cambiar a una nueva temporada donde las cosas empeorarán un poco debido al proceso de Medicaid”.

Esta purga de Medicaid se ha completado en la mayoría de los estados, y más de 25 millones de personas han sido dadas de baja, según KFF, una organización sin fines de lucro de información de salud que incluye a KFF Health News.

El informe del Censo, basado en encuestas realizadas a principios de este año, cuenta a las personas como no aseguradas solo si no tuvieron cobertura médica durante todo 2023. Por lo tanto, por ejemplo, una persona que estuvo en Medicaid en abril de 2023 antes de que comenzara la purga, luego perdió la cobertura y nunca la recuperó, sería contada como asegurada por todo el año.

A muchas personas eliminadas de Medicaid se las reinscribió con éxito u obtuvieron otros seguros, como los ofrecidos a través de los mercados de seguros establecidos por ACA. Otros permanecieron sin seguro.

Los defensores temían que la purga de Medicaid provocara un aumento en la tasa de no asegurados a medida que las personas luchaban por encontrar cobertura alternativa.

Pero los estados, las aseguradoras privadas y los defensores lanzaron esfuerzos intensos para contactar a los inscritos por teléfono, correo electrónico y redes sociales para asegurarse de que no experimentaran interrupciones en la cobertura.

Sin embargo, debido a la forma en que la Oficina del Censo informa la tasa de no asegurados, el impacto total de la purga no se conocerá hasta el informe de 2026.

Más allá de Medicaid, varios otros factores impulsaron el número de personas con seguro de salud el año pasado, incluida una economía fuerte y una tasa de desempleo casi récord. La mayoría de las personas obtienen seguro a través de sus empleos, según el Censo, lo que significa que un mayor empleo generalmente resulta en una mayor cobertura de salud.

Otro factor clave: los subsidios federales reforzados, que desde 2021 han ayudado a reducir el costo de la cobertura privada a través de Obamacare. Las inscripciones en los mercados de ACA alcanzaron un récord de $20.8 millones en 2024, según un reciente informe del Tesoro.

Sin embargo, esa asistencia financiera adicional está programada para expirar a fines de 2025, creando un punto de conflicto para el partido que controle el poder en Washington después de las elecciones de noviembre. Los demócratas quieren extender los subsidios introducidos durante la pandemia, mientras que muchos republicanos desean que se terminen.

Antes de que el Congreso aprobara ACA en 2010, la tasa de personas sin seguro había sido de dos dígitos durante décadas. Esta tasa cayó de manera constante bajo el presidente Barack Obama, pero se revirtió bajo el presidente Donald Trump, solo para volver a disminuir bajo la administración Biden.

Además de expandir los subsidios, la administración Biden aumentó la publicidad y el número de navegadores que ayudan a las personas a inscribirse en planes durante la temporada de inscripción abierta, algo que Trump redujo considerablemente.

Otro factor que contribuye a la reducción en el número de personas sin seguro son los esfuerzos estatales para expandir la cobertura a residentes en su mayoría de bajos ingresos. Carolina del Norte, por ejemplo, amplió la elegibilidad de Medicaid en diciembre de 2023, lo que resultó en más de 500,000 nuevos inscritos.

Décadas de investigación muestran que la expansión de la cobertura de salud beneficia tanto a las personas de manera individual como al público en general. El seguro de salud cubre la atención de rutina, y puede proteger a las personas de la ruina financiera debido a lesiones graves o enfermedades que generan cuentas médicas astronómicas.

Las personas que no tienen seguro son más propensas a retrasar o evitar recibir atención médica, lo que puede llevar a que problemas relativamente menores se vuelvan más graves y costosos de tratar. Tener a más personas cubiertas también significa que más pacientes pueden pagar sus facturas, lo que puede mejorar la situación financiera de los hospitales y otros proveedores.

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A Tale of Two States: Arizona and Florida Diverge on How To Expand Kids’ Health Insurance

Arizona and Florida — whose rates of uninsured children are among the highest in the nation — set goals last year to widen the safety net that provides health insurance to people 18 and younger.

But their plans to expand coverage illustrate key ideological differences on the government’s role in subsidizing health insurance for kids: what to charge low-income families as premiums for public coverage — and what happens if they miss a payment.

“It’s a tale of two states,” said Joan Alker, executive director of Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families.

That divergence represents more than just two states taking their own path. It showcases a broader breakthrough moment, Alker said, as the nation rethinks how government works for families following the covid-19 pandemic. The divide also underscores the policies at stake in the 2024 presidential election.

Republican-led legislatures in Florida and Arizona worked across party lines in 2023 to pass bills to expand their states’ Children’s Health Insurance Program — widely known as CHIP — which covers anyone younger than 19 in families earning too much to be eligible for Medicaid.

Florida Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis and Arizona Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs then signed bills into law last year that increased the amount of money a family can make and still be eligible for their states’ CHIP programs. That’s where the similarities end.

Arizona began to enroll newly eligible children in March. That state has adopted policies that align with the Biden administration’s efforts to apply Affordable Care Act-style protections to CHIP, such as eliminating annual and lifetime limits on coverage and lockouts if families don’t pay premiums.

Arizona’s CHIP plan, called KidsCare, suspended its monthly premiums in 2020 and has yet to reinstate them. State officials are considering whether it’s worth the expense to manage and collect the payments given that new federal rules forbid the state from disenrolling children for nonpayment, said Marcus Johnson, a deputy director for the state’s Medicaid agency.

“We’re trying to understand if the juice is worth the squeeze,” he said.

By contrast, Florida has yet to begin its expanded enrollment and is the only state to file a federal lawsuit challenging a Biden administration rule requiring states to keep kids enrolled for 12 months even if their families don’t pay their premiums.

A judge dismissed Florida’s lawsuit on May 31, saying the state could appeal to federal regulators. The state’s CHIP expansion now awaits federal regulatory approval before newly eligible children can be enrolled.

“No eligible child should face barriers to enrolling in CHIP or be at risk of losing the coverage they rely on,” said Sara Lonardo, a spokesperson for the federal Department of Health and Human Services.

Florida’s CHIP expansion calls for significantly raising premiums and then boosting them by 3% annually. The state estimates expansion will cost an additional $90 million in its first full year and expects to collect about $23 million in new premiums to help fund the expansion of what it calls Florida KidCare.

But Florida officials have said that complying with a provision that bars children from being disenrolled for unpaid premiums would cause the state to lose $1 million a month. The state’s 2024 budget allocates $46.5 billion to health care and projects a $14.6 billion surplus.

Florida officials have flouted federal regulations and removed at least 22,000 children from CHIP for unpaid premiums since the rule banning such disenrollments took effect on Jan. 1, according to public records obtained by the Florida Health Justice Project, a nonprofit advocacy group.

DeSantis’ office and Florida’s Medicaid administration did not respond to KFF Health News’ repeated requests for comment about CHIP. But in legal filings, Florida said its CHIP plan is a “personal responsibility program.” It is “a bridge from Medicaid to private insurance,” the administration said on social media, to get families used to premiums, cost sharing, and the risk of losing coverage when missing a payment.

For some Floridians, like Emily Dent in Cape Coral, the higher premiums proposed in the state’s expansion plan would create a financial burden, not open a path to self-sufficiency.

Dent, 32, said her 8-year-old son, James, was disenrolled from Medicaid in April because the family’s income was too high. Although James would qualify for CHIP under Florida’s proposed expansion, Dent said the $195 monthly premium would be a financial struggle for her family.

Leaving James uninsured is not an option, Dent said. He is severely disabled due to a rare genetic disorder, Pallister-Killian syndrome, and requires round-the-clock nursing.

“He has to have health insurance,” she said. “But it’s going to drain my savings, which was going to be for a house one day.”

Research shows the cost of premiums can block many families from obtaining and maintaining CHIP coverage even when premiums are low.

And premiums don’t offset much of a state’s costs to operate the program, said Matt Jewett, director of health policy for the Children’s Action Alliance of Arizona, a nonprofit that promotes health insurance coverage for kids in the Grand Canyon State.

He noted that the federal government pays 70% of Florida’s program costs and 75% of Arizona’s — after deducting all premiums collected.

“Premiums are more about an ideological belief that families need to have skin in the game,” he said, “rather than any practical means of paying money to support the program.”

Republican-leaning states are not alone in implementing monthly or quarterly premiums for CHIP. Twenty-two states, including Democratic-leaning states such as New York and Massachusetts, charge premiums.

States have had wide discretion in how they run CHIP since the program became law in 1997, including the ability to charge such premiums and cut people’s access if they failed to pay. That’s been part of its success, said Jennifer Tolbert, deputy director of the Program on Medicaid and the Uninsured at KFF.

“Especially in more conservative states, the ability to create CHIP as a separate program — independent from Medicaid — enabled and fostered that bipartisan support,” Tolbert said.

But in the decades since CHIP was enacted, government’s role in health insurance has evolved, most significantly after President Barack Obama in 2010 signed the Affordable Care Act, which introduced coverage protections and expanded assistance for low-income Americans.

Former President Donald Trump didn’t prioritize those things while in office, Tolbert said. He has suggested that he is open to cutting federal assistance programs if reelected, while the Biden administration has adopted policies to make it easier for low-income Americans to enroll and keep their health coverage.

Just as for Dent, the question of CHIP premiums in this debate isn’t abstract for Erin Booth, a Florida mom who submitted a public comment to federal regulators about Florida’s proposed CHIP expansion. She said she would have to pay a high premium, plus copayments for doctor visits, to keep her 8-year-old son covered.

“I am faced with the impossible decision of whether to pay my mortgage or to pay for health insurance for my son,” she wrote.

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Funding Instability Plagues Program That Brings Docs to Underserved Areas

For Diana Perez, a medical resident at the Family Health Center of Harlem, the handwritten thank-you note she received from a patient is all the evidence she needs that she has chosen the right training path.

Perez helped the patient, a homeless, West African immigrant who has HIV and other chronic conditions, get the medications and care he needed. She also did the paperwork that documented his medical needs for the nonprofit that helped him apply for asylum and secure housing.

“I really like whole-person care,” said Perez, 31, who has been based at this New York City health center for most of the past three years. “I wanted to learn and train, dealing with the everyday things I will be seeing as a primary care physician and really immersing myself in the community,” she said.

Few primary care residents get such extensive community-based outpatient training. The vast majority spend most of their residencies in hospitals. But Perez, who is being trained through the Teaching Health Center Graduate Medical Education program, is among those treating patients in federally qualified health centers and community clinics in medically underserved rural and urban areas around the country. After graduating, these residents are more likely than hospital-trained graduates to stay on and practice locally where they are often desperately needed, research has found.

Amid the long-term shift from inpatient to outpatient medical care, training primary care doctors in outpatient clinics rather than hospitals is a no-brainer, according to Robert Schiller, chief academic officer at the Institute for Family Health, which runs the Harlem THC program and operates dozens of other health center sites in New York. “Care is moving out into the community,” he said, and the THC program is “creating a community-based training environment, and the community is the classroom.”

Yet because the program, established under the 2010 Affordable Care Act, relies on congressional appropriations for funding, it routinely faces financial uncertainty. Despite bipartisan support, it will run out of funds at the end of December unless lawmakers vote to replenish its coffers — no easy task in the current divided Congress in which gaining passage for any type of legislation has proved difficult. Faced with the prospect of not being able to cover three years of residency training, several of the 82 THC programs nationwide recently put their residency training programs on hold or are phasing them out.

That’s what the DePaul Family and Social Medicine Residency Program in New Orleans East, an area that has been slow to recover after Hurricane Katrina in 2005, has done. With a startup grant from the federal Health Resources and Services Administration, the community health center hired staff for the residency program and became accredited last fall. They interviewed more than 50 medical students for residency slots and hoped to enroll their first class of four first-year residents in July. But with funding uncertain, they put the new program on hold this spring, a few weeks before “Match Day,” when residency programs and students are paired.

“It was incredibly disappointing for many reasons,” said Coleman Pratt, the residency program’s director, who was hired two years ago to launch the initiative.

Until we know we’ve got funding, we’re “treading water,” Pratt said.

“In order to have eligible applications in-hand should Congress appropriate new multi-year funds, HRSA will issue a Notice of Funding Opportunity in late summer for both new and expanded programs to apply to be funded in FY 2025, subject to the availability of appropriations,” said Martin Kramer, an HRSA spokesperson, in an email.

For now, the Teaching Health Center program has $215 million to spend through 2024.

By contrast, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services paid hospitals $18 billion to provide residency training for doctors in primary care and other specialties. Unlike THC funding, which must be appropriated by Congress, Medicare graduate medical education funding is guaranteed as a federal entitlement program.

Trying to keep THC’s three-year residency programs afloat when congressional funding comes through in fits and starts weighs heavily on the facilities trying to participate. These pressures are now coming to a head.

“Precariousness of funding is a theme,” said Schiller, noting that the Institute for Family Health put its own plans for a new THC in Brooklyn on hold this year.

The misalignment between the health care needs of the American population and the hospital-based medical training most doctors receive is a long-recognized problem. A 2014 report by the National Academies Press noted that “although the GME system has been producing more physicians, it has not produced an increasing proportion of physicians who choose to practice primary care, to provide care to underserved populations, or to locate in rural or other underserved areas.”

The Teaching Health Center program has demonstrated success in these areas, with program graduates more likely to practice in medically underserved areas after graduation. According to a study that analyzed the practice patterns of family medicine graduates from traditional GME training programs vs. those who participated in the THC program, nearly twice as many THC graduates were practicing in underserved areas three years after graduating, 35.2% vs. 18.6%. In addition, THC graduates were significantly more likely to practice in rural areas, 17.9% vs. 11.8%. They were also more likely to provide substance use treatment, behavioral health care, and outpatient gynecological care than graduates from regular GME programs.

But the lack of reliable, long-term funding is a hurdle to the THC training model’s potential, proponents say. For 2024, the Biden administration had proposed three years of mandatory funding, totaling $841 million, to support more than 2,000 residents.

“HRSA is eager to fund new programs and more residents, which is why the President’s Budget has proposed multi-year increased funding for the Teaching Health Center program,” Kramer said in an email.

The American Hospital Association supports expanding the THC program “to help address general workforce challenges,” said spokesperson Sharon Cohen in an email.

The program appeals to residents interested in pursuing primary and community care in underserved areas.

“There’s definitely a selection bias in who chooses these [THC] programs,” said Candice Chen, an associate professor of health policy and management at George Washington University.

Hospital primary care programs, for instance, typically fail to fill their primary care residency slots on Match Day. But in the THC program, “every single year, all of the slots match,” said Cristine Serrano, executive director of the American Association of Teaching Health Centers. On Match Day in March, more than 19,000 primary care positions were available; roughly 300 of those were THC positions.

Amanda Fernandez, 30, always wanted to work with medically underserved patients. She did her family medicine residency training at a THC in Hendersonville, North Carolina. She liked it so much that, after graduating last year, the Miami native took a job in Sylva, about 60 miles away.

Her mostly rural patients are accustomed to feeling like a way station for physicians, who often decamp to bigger metro areas after a few years. But she and her husband, a physician who works at the nearby Cherokee Indian Hospital, bought a house and plan to stay.

“That’s why I loved the THC model,” Fernandez said. “You end up practicing in a community similar to the one that you trained in.”

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He Fell Ill on a Cruise. Before He Boarded the Rescue Boat, They Handed Him the Bill.

Vincent Wasney and his fiancée, Sarah Eberlein, had never visited the ocean. They’d never even been on a plane. But when they bought their first home in Saginaw, Michigan, in 2018, their real estate agent gifted them tickets for a Royal Caribbean cruise.

After two years of delays due to the coronavirus pandemic, they set sail in December 2022.

The couple chose a cruise destined for the Bahamas in part because it included a trip to CocoCay, a private island accessible to Royal Caribbean passengers that featured a water park, balloon rides, and an excursion swimming with pigs.

It was on that day on CocoCay when Wasney, 31, started feeling off, he said.

The next morning, as the couple made plans in their cabin for the last full day of the trip, Wasney made a pained noise. Eberlein saw him having a seizure in bed, with blood coming out of his mouth from biting his tongue. She opened their door to find help and happened upon another guest, who roused his wife, an emergency room physician.

Wasney was able to climb into a wheelchair brought by the ship’s medical crew to take him down to the medical facility, where he was given anticonvulsants and fluids and monitored before being released.

Wasney had had seizures in the past, starting about 10 years ago, but it had been a while since his last one. Imaging back then showed no tumors, and doctors concluded he was likely epileptic, he said. He took medicine initially, but after two years without another seizure, he said, his doctors took him off the medicine to avoid liver damage.

Wasney had a second seizure on the ship a few hours later, back in his cabin. This time he stopped breathing, and Eberlein remembered his lips being so purple, they almost looked black. Again, she ran to find help but, in her haste, locked herself out. By the time the ship’s medical team got into the cabin, Wasney was breathing again but had broken blood vessels along his chest and neck that he later said resembled tiger stripes.

Wasney was in the ship’s medical center when he had a third seizure — a grand mal, which typically causes a loss of consciousness and violent muscle contractions. By then, the ship was close enough to port that Wasney could be evacuated by rescue boat. He was put on a stretcher to be lowered by ropes off the side of the ship, with Eberlein climbing down a rope ladder to join him.

But before they disembarked, the bill came.

The Patient: Vincent Wasney, 31, who was uninsured at the time.

Medical Services: General and enhanced observation, a blood test, anticonvulsant medicine, and a fee for services performed outside the medical facility.

Service Provider: Independence of the Seas Medical Center, the on-ship medical facility on the cruise ship operated by Royal Caribbean International.

Total Bill: $2,500.22.

What Gives: As part of Royal Caribbean’s guest terms, cruise passengers “agree to pay in full” all expenses incurred on board by the end of the cruise, including those related to medical care. In addition, Royal Caribbean does not accept “land-based” health insurance plans.

Wasney said he was surprised to learn that, along with other charges like wireless internet, Royal Caribbean required he pay his medical bills before exiting the ship — even though he was being evacuated urgently.

“Are we being held hostage at this point?” Eberlein remembered asking. “Because, obviously, if he’s had three seizures in 10 hours, it’s an issue.”

Wasney said he has little memory of being on the ship after his first seizure — seizures often leave victims groggy and disoriented for a few hours afterward.

But he certainly remembers being shown a bill, the bulk of which was the $2,500.22 in medical charges, while waiting for the rescue boat.

Still groggy, Wasney recalled saying he couldn’t afford that and a cruise employee responding: “How much can you pay?”

They drained their bank accounts, including money saved for their next house payment, and maxed out Wasney’s credit card but were still about $1,000 short, he said.

Ultimately, they were allowed to leave the ship. He later learned his card was overdrafted to cover the shortfall, he said.

Royal Caribbean International did not respond to multiple inquiries from KFF Health News.

Once on land, in Florida, Wasney was taken by ambulance to the emergency room at Broward Health Medical Center in Fort Lauderdale, where he incurred thousands of dollars more in medical expenses.

He still isn’t entirely sure what caused the seizures.

On the ship he was told it could have been extreme dehydration — and he said he does remember being extra thirsty on CocoCay. He also has mused whether trying escargot for the first time the night before could have played a role. Eberlein’s mother is convinced the episode was connected to swimming with pigs, he said. And not to be discounted, Eberlein accidentally broke a pocket mirror three days before their trip.

Wasney, who works in a stone shop, was uninsured when they set sail. He said that one month before they embarked on their voyage, he finally felt he could afford the health plan offered through his employer and signed up, but the plan didn’t start until January 2023, after their return.

They also lacked travel insurance. As inexperienced travelers, Wasney said, they thought it was for lost luggage and canceled trips, not unexpected medical expenses. And because the cruise was a gift, they were never prompted to buy coverage, which often happens when tickets are purchased.

The Resolution: Wasney said the couple returned to Saginaw with essentially no money in their bank account, several thousand dollars of medical debt, and no idea how they would cover their mortgage payment. Because he was uninsured at the time of the cruise, Wasney did not try to collect reimbursement for the cruise bill from his new health plan when his coverage began weeks later.

The couple set up payment plans to cover the medical bills for Wasney’s care after leaving the ship: one each with two doctors he saw at Broward Health, who billed separately from the hospital, and one with the ambulance company. He also made payments on a bill with Broward Health itself. Those plans do not charge interest.

But Broward Health said Wasney missed two payments to the hospital, and that bill was ultimately sent to collections.

In a statement, Broward Health spokesperson Nina Levine said Wasney’s bill was reduced by 73% because he was uninsured.

“We do everything in our power to provide the best care with the least financial impact, but also cannot stress enough the importance of taking advantage of private and Affordable Care Act health insurance plans, as well as travel insurance, to lower risks associated with unplanned medical issues,” she said.

The couple was able to make their house payment with $2,690 they raised through a GoFundMe campaign that Wasney set up. Wasney said a lot of that help came from family as well as friends he met playing disc golf, a sport he picked up during the pandemic.

“A bunch of people came through for us,” Wasney said, still moved to tears by the generosity. “But there’s still the hospital bill.”

The Takeaway: Billing practices differ by cruise line, but Joe Scott, chair of the cruise ship medicine section of the American College of Emergency Physicians, said medical charges are typically added to a cruise passenger’s onboard account, which must be paid before leaving the ship. Individuals can then submit receipts to their insurers for possible reimbursement.

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Casi 1 de cada 4 adultos desafiliados de Medicaid siguen sin seguro, indica encuesta

Casi una cuarta parte de los adultos que fueron dados de baja de Medicaid el año pasado dicen que ahora no tienen seguro, según una encuesta que detalla cómo decenas de millones de estadounidenses lucharon por conservar la cobertura del gobierno para personas de bajos ingresos.

Las protecciones que tuvo el programa durante la pandemia, que impedían que se expulsaran beneficiarios, expiraron la primavera pasada.

La primera encuesta nacional sobre estas desafiliaciones de Medicaid halló que casi la mitad de las personas que perdieron la cobertura volvieron a inscribirse semanas o meses después, lo que sugiere que, en primer lugar, nunca debieron ser expulsadas.

Mientras que el 23% informó no tener seguro, un 28% adicional encontró otra cobertura: a través de un empleador, Medicare, el mercado de seguros de la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA) o en programas para miembros de las Fuerzas Armadas, informó la encuesta de KFF.

“El 23% es una cifra sorprendente, especialmente si se piensa en la cantidad de personas que perdieron la cobertura de Medicaid”, dijo Chima Ndumele, profesora asociada de políticas de salud en la Escuela de Salud Pública de la Universidad de Yale.

Quedarse sin seguro, incluso por un período corto de tiempo, puede llevar a las personas a retrasar la búsqueda de atención médica, y exponerlas a riesgos financieros.

Siete de cada 10 adultos desafiliados dijeron que se quedaron sin seguro al menos temporalmente cuando perdieron su cobertura de Medicaid.

Adrienne Hamar, de 49 años, de Plymouth Meeting, Pennsylvania, dijo que tuvo dificultades para inscribirse en un plan de ACA este invierno después que el estado le informara que ella y sus dos hijos ya no calificaban para Medicaid. Estaban inscritos desde 2020. Dijo que las líneas telefónicas estaban siempre ocupadas en el mercado estatal y que no podía completar el proceso en línea.

Hamar, que trabaja como asistente de salud a domicilio, y sus hijos, estuvieron sin seguro durante marzo. Pero desde el 1 de abril, están inscritos en un plan del mercado que, con la ayuda de subsidios gubernamentales, cuesta $50 al mes para la familia.

“Me sentí muy aliviada”, dijo. Hamar dijo que, por esta situación, su hija de 23 años demoró en hacerse un chequeo dental.

Las luchas de Hamar eran comunes, según la encuesta.

De los adultos inscritos en Medicaid antes de la cancelación, alrededor del 35% que intentó renovar su cobertura describió el proceso como difícil, y cerca del 48% dijo que era al menos algo estresante.

Alrededor del 56% de las personas dadas de baja dicen que omitieron o retrasaron atención médica o buscar una receta mientras intentaban renovar su cobertura de Medicaid.

“Es probable que el estatus actual del seguro de las personas esté cambiando, y esperaríamos que al menos algunas de las que dicen que actualmente no tienen seguro se vuelvan a inscribir en Medicaid (muchos dijeron que todavía lo están intentando) o se inscriban en otra cobertura en poco tiempo”, dijo Jennifer Tolbert, coautora del informe de KFF y directora del Programa Estatal de Datos y Reforma de Salud de la fundación.

La encuesta no incluyó a niños, y los investigadores de KFF dijeron que, por lo tanto, sus hallazgos no podían extrapolarse para determinar cómo la reducción de Medicaid ha afectado la tasa general de personas sin seguro en el país, que alcanzó un mínimo histórico del 7,7% a principios de 2023. Casi la mitad de los afiliados a Medicaid y al Programa de Seguro Médico Infantil (CHIP) son niños.

El proceso de desafiliación, durante el cual los estados están reevaluando la elegibilidad para Medicaid entre millones de estadounidenses que se inscribieron antes o durante la pandemia —y eliminando a aquellos que ya no califican o no completaron el proceso de renovación— no se completará hasta finales de este año.

La inscripción en Medicaid y CHIP creció a un récord de casi 94,5 millones en abril del año pasado, tres años después que el gobierno federal prohibiera a los estados eliminar a las personas de sus listas durante la emergencia de salud pública de covid-19.

A nivel nacional, los estados cancelaron la inscripción e Medicaid de alrededor de 20 millones de personas el año pasado, la mayoría por razones de procedimiento, como no presentar la documentación requerida. Se espera que ese número aumente, ya que los estados tienen algunos meses más para redeterminar la elegibilidad de los inscritos.

Entre los adultos que tenían Medicaid antes del inicio de las desafiliaciones, el 83% retuvo su cobertura o se volvió a inscribir, mientras que el 8% encontró otro seguro y el 8% no tenía seguro.

La proporción que quedó sin seguro fue mayor en los estados que no han ampliado Medicaid bajo ACA (17%) comparado con los estados que sí lo han hecho (6%). Cuarenta estados han ampliado Medicaid para cubrir a todas las personas con ingresos inferiores al 138% de la tasa federal de pobreza, o $31,200 para una familia de cuatro en 2024.

La encuesta de KFF encontró que casi uno de cada 3 adultos a los que se les canceló el seguro descubrió que ya no tenían Medicaid recién cuando buscaron atención médica, como ir a un médico o a una farmacia.

Indira Navas, de Miami, descubrió que a su hijo Andrés, de 6 años, se le había dado de baja del programa de Medicaid de Florida cuando lo llevó a una cita con el médico en marzo. Había programado esa cita con meses de anticipación y está frustrada porque el niño sigue sin seguro y se interrumpió su terapia para la ansiedad y la hiperactividad.

Navas dijo que el estado no pudo explicar por qué su hija Camila, de 12, seguía cubierta por Medicaid a pesar de que los dos niños viven en el mismo hogar que sus padres.

“No tiene sentido que cubran a uno de mis hijos y al otro no”, dijo.

Kate McEvoy, directora ejecutiva de la Asociación Nacional de Directores de Medicaid, dijo que el gran volumen, de millones de personas, a las que se está analizando para determinar su elegibilidad ha abrumado a algunos centros de llamadas estatales que intentan apoyar a los afiliados.

Dijo que los estados han probado muchas formas de comunicarse con los inscritos, incluso a través de campañas de divulgación pública, mensajes de texto, correo electrónico y aplicaciones. “Hasta el momento en que su cobertura está en juego, es difícil penetrar en las vidas ocupadas de las personas”, dijo.

La encuesta de KFF, de 1,227 adultos que tenían cobertura de Medicaid a principios de 2023 antes del inicio del proceso de desafiliación, el 1 de abril de 2023, se realizó entre el 15 de febrero y el 11 de marzo de 2024. El margen de error de muestreo fue de más o menos 4 puntos porcentuales.

El corresponsal de KFF Health News, Daniel Chang, colaboró con este artículo.

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Nearly 1 in 4 Adults Dumped From Medicaid Are Now Uninsured, Survey Finds

Nearly a quarter of adults disenrolled from Medicaid in the past year say they are now uninsured, according to a survey released Friday that details how tens of millions of Americans struggled to retain coverage in the government insurance program for low-income people after pandemic-era protections began expiring last spring.

The first national survey of adults whose Medicaid eligibility was reviewed during the unwinding found nearly half of people who lost their government coverage signed back up weeks or months later — suggesting they should never have been dropped in the first place.

While 23% reported being uninsured, an additional 28% found other coverage — through an employer, Medicare, the Affordable Care Act’s insurance marketplace, or health care for members of the military, the survey by KFF found.

“Twenty-three percent is a striking number especially when you think about the number of people who lost Medicaid coverage,” said Chima Ndumele, an associate professor of health policy at the Yale University School of Public Health.

Going without insurance even for a short period of time can lead people to delay seeking care and leave them at financial risk when they do.

Seven in 10 adults who were disenrolled during the unwinding process say they became uninsured at least temporarily when they lost their Medicaid coverage.

Adrienne Hamar, 49, of Plymouth Meeting, Pennsylvania, said she struggled to enroll in an Affordable Care Act marketplace plan this winter after the state informed her that she and her two children no longer qualified for Medicaid. They had been enrolled since 2020. She said phone lines were busy at the state’s marketplace and she couldn’t complete the process online.

Hamar, who works as a home health aide, and her children were uninsured in March. But since April 1, they’ve been enrolled in a marketplace plan that, with the help of government subsidies, costs $50 a month for the family.

“I was very relieved,” she said. Unsure of their insurance status, Hamar said, her 23-year-old daughter delayed getting a dental checkup.

Hamar’s struggles were common, the survey found.

Of adults enrolled in Medicaid before the unwinding, about 35% who tried to renew their coverage described the process as difficult, and about 48% said it was at least somewhat stressful.

About 56% of those disenrolled say they skipped or delayed care or prescriptions while attempting to renew their Medicaid coverage.

“People’s current insurance status is likely to be very much in flux, and we would expect at least some of the people who say they are currently uninsured to reenroll in Medicaid — many say they are still trying — or enroll in other coverage within a short period of time,” said Jennifer Tolbert, a co-author of the KFF report and the director of KFF’s State Health Reform and Data Program.

The survey didn’t include children, and the KFF researchers said their findings therefore couldn’t be extrapolated to determine how the Medicaid unwinding has affected the overall U.S. uninsured rate, which hit a record low of 7.7% in early 2023. Nearly half of enrollees in Medicaid and the related Children’s Health Insurance Program are children.

The unwinding, in which states are reassessing eligibility for Medicaid among millions of Americans who enrolled before or during the pandemic and dropping those who no longer qualify or did not complete the renewal process, won’t be completed until later this year. Enrollment in Medicaid and CHIP grew to a record of nearly 94.5 million in April of last year, three years after the federal government prohibited states from cutting people from their rolls during the covid-19 public health emergency.

Nationally, states have disenrolled about 20 million people from Medicaid in the past year, most of them for procedural reasons such as failure to submit required paperwork. That number is expected to grow, as states have a few more months to redetermine enrollees’ eligibility.

Among adults who had Medicaid prior to the start of the unwinding, 83% retained their coverage or reenrolled, while 8% found other insurance and 8% were uninsured. The share left uninsured was larger in states that have not expanded Medicaid under the ACA (17%) than in states that have (6%). Forty states have expanded Medicaid to cover everyone with an income under 138% of the federal poverty rate, or $31,200 for a family of four this year.

The KFF survey found that nearly 1 in 3 disenrolled adults discovered only when they sought health care — such as going to a doctor or a pharmacy — that they had been dropped from Medicaid.

Indira Navas of Miami found out that her 6-year-old son, Andres, had been disenrolled from Florida’s Medicaid program when she took him to a doctor appointment in March. She had scheduled Andres’ appointment months in advance and is frustrated that he remains uninsured and his therapy for anxiety and hyperactivity has been disrupted.

Navas said the state could not explain why her 12-year-old daughter, Camila, remained covered by Medicaid even though the children live in the same household with their parents.

“It doesn’t make sense that they would cover one of my children and not the other,” she said.

Kate McEvoy, executive director of the National Association of Medicaid Directors, said the sheer volume of millions of people being redetermined for eligibility has overwhelmed some state call centers trying to support enrollees.

She said states have tried many ways to communicate with enrollees, including through public outreach campaigns, text, email, and apps. “Until the moment your coverage is at stake, it’s hard to penetrate people’s busy lives,” she said.

The KFF survey, of 1,227 adults who had Medicaid coverage in early 2023 prior to the start of the unwinding on April 1, 2023, was conducted between Feb. 15, 2024, and March 11, 2024. The margin of sampling error was plus or minus 4 percentage points.

KFF Health News correspondent Daniel Chang contributed to this article.

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